The Proletarian Class and the Proletarian Party

· Imperial
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20
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About this ebook

On January 1, 1905, Stalin published an article “The Proletarian Class and the Proletarian Party,” which was a debate contribution on how the Social-Democratic Labour Party should be organized. Beginning with the observation that “there is no such thing as Russia ‘one and indivisible’; Russia long ago split into two opposite classes, bourgeoisie and proletariat,” Stalin used military metaphors (“two big armies”) to illustrate class struggle. He then drew parallels between the working class and its party: if the proletariat is the “army” of workers, then the Party must be the small, disciplined “group of leaders” guiding that army. This essay argued explicitly that Social-Democracy must be a highly unified, centralized organization with strict membership criteria – a view in line with Lenin and directed against the Menshevik Martov’s looser definition.

This piece appeared in 1905 (pre-revolutionary Russia, likely in a Bolshevik journal) as part of a row over the first paragraph of Party rules. Its core content was a critique of Martov’s formulation of membership (“accept the program and pay dues”) in favor of Lenin’s position that members must actively work in party organizations. Stalin insisted that a Party member not only accepts socialist ideas but must fight for them in a united cadre; the party is not a loose club of sympathizers but a “fighting organization” of conscious leaders. Thus he concluded only those fully committed – “one who fully accepts the program, tactics and organizational principle and works in a Party organization” – can be a proper member.

In terms of historical importance, this article has been cited as an early example of Stalin’s organizational thinking. It solidified the idea that the Bolshevik Party must be a tight “fortress” (as Stalin later put it) as opposed to Martov’s more inclusive concept. Published just before the 1905 Revolution’s climax, it attempted to prepare the party for mass struggle by emphasizing discipline. Its significance was later amplified in Stalinist historiography as part of the narrative that Stalin backed Lenin’s strict centralism from the start. The essay itself is sometimes identified by quoting its military imagery or by its subject; it did not have a catchy alternate title, but it is often referred to in compilations as Stalin’s reply to Martov on the nature of Party membership.

This modern Critical Reader’s Edition includes an illuminating afterword tracing Stalin's intellectual relationships with revolutionary philosophers and politicians (including Hegel, Feuerbach, Engels, and Ricardo), containing unique research into his intellectual development and economic-metaphysical theories, religious impulses masquerading as materialism, a comprehensive timeline of his life and works, a glossary of Lenin-Stalinist terminology, and a detailed index of his work works. Combined with the scholarly amplifying material, this professional translation is an indispensable exploration of Stalin’s world-changing philosophy which he manifested into one of the most terrifying authoritarian regimes ever created.

About the author

Born in Georgia with the name Ioseb Besarionis dz? Jughashvili, Stalin was a Soviet politician, intellectual, leader and mass-murderer. His rule was marked by the transformation of the Soviet Union into a global superpower, widespread state terror, and the establishment of a totalitarian regime. Stalin's policies and actions, such as the collectivization of agriculture and the Great Purge, the greatest Genocides ever recorded, many ethnic cleansings and had profound and lasting impacts on the Soviet Union and the world. His writings are still reverred by modern Leftist intellectuals.

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